1. CAMPAIGNING PARTY VS AN ELECTION MACHINE?
Within a FLAWED ELECTORAL SYSTEM, are we not focusing too much on winning elections with some success in local elections with a few seats gained (but no gains in General Elections) while the planet is burning instead of urgently building a mass movement? One bad election could wipe out gains. ARE WE RUNNING OUT OF TIME? What is your strategy?
We have to move forward on both electoral success and public campaigns beyond the ballot box. Indeed many of our elected councillors do pursue campaigns with renewed vigour and influence so the two are hardly mutually exclusive. Rather they dovetail one another and are core to our goals for social and political transformation. I opposed both Progressive alliances in 2017 and UTR pacts in 2019. Whilst the party should feel free to decide on any future framework for political alliances, with buy in for electoral reform, I would favour our standing tall on our radical political vision with renewed vigour. As deputy leader in 2014-16, I was part of the leadership team which helped secure a record 1 million votes in the general election and 123 deposits saved. It feels to me that we have not been building on that confidence to stand on our own.
2. REMOVING TOXICITY AND HEALING SPLITS?
How can the Green Party be an effective healthy political party, with transparent internal democracy and accountability based on fairness and unity? Are members expected to sign up 100% to everything that the leader(s) or the Party is perceived to support at any given time? Is
it not the role of a leader to ensure that party members rights to disagree are protected? Be it the rights of women, transrights, the IHRA or the failed holistic review. What will you do to heal division?
I recognise the divisions in the party and am standing on a pledge to ensure that we return to a culture of respectful, mature debate, where members can disagree on sometimes complex matters without fear of retribution or “cancellation”.
With respect to trans rights and women's rights, just play back the LBC debate from 2 Sept (https://www.lbc.co.uk/radio/presenters/iain-dale/green-party-leadership-debate-hosted-by-iain-dale-watch-live-from-8pm/) and ask yourself: Do you want a leader who is able to articulate their views in full accordance with the values we hold in such regard, or one who wishes to put up barriers to free speech when people are genuinely mystified? We must reach beyond our comfort zone and address new voters in terms they can understand.
I oppose all racism, including anti-Jewish racism, which is sadly on the rise. I regard our party as a safe and tolerant space for members of all religions or none, but we cannot be complacent about this. We can improve trust in our processes, including the disciplinary ones, by adopting good definitions, such as the Jerusalem Declaration of Antisemitism instead of the IHRA (I have a motion to conference to do just this). The JDA offers a robust interpretation of how to identify antisemitism, especially within the context of free speech on Israel and Palestine. I would also like to see us introduce training in active bystander techniques against bullying in the party: just standing by and witnessing is not an adequate response, especially among our leadership figures.
3. A PARTY THAT UNDERSTANDS WORKING-CLASS COMMUNITIES
Many people still see the green movement and GPEW as being well meaning but not relevant to the everyday struggles of working people and working-class communities. How can we challenge that idea?
The COVID pandemic and Black Lives Matter protests have brought home to us more powerfully than before how our social goods are tied up with the productive labour of many of the most marginalised and poorly rewarded in society – whether BAME key workers at the sharp end of systemic health inequality and hence disproportionate risk of death, or people kept in hock to intergenerational institutional prejudice. Our campaigns for the working class must speak to working people by emphasising socialism, workers’ rights and Universal Basic Income. We need to promote our values better: the Green Party is the party of social justice and of a Green New Deal that takes everyone into account, not just those whose resources give them easy options.
Sometimes I think we do need to get out more, and that includes rubbing shoulders with the very people we purport to want to serve and do well by. One shouldn’t over-generalise, but since I’ve also been asked about my educational background, too, I suspect my state-school comprehensive education does sometimes give me an edge over others on the relatability stakes when communicating across different class backgrounds. It’s important that we feel genuinely comfortable around all in society and that starts early on in life – through mixing and making friendships with people across a range of socio-economic backgrounds.
4. THE MOVEMENT FOR GREEN JOBS AND A GREEN SOCIALIST FUTURE
What do you know of the Trade Union backed Campaign Against Climate Change, Lucas Plan, The Million Green Jobs campaign and the Greener Jobs Alliance of trade unions? How would you work with these campaigns and ensure all parts of the party are engaging with these groups? Do you understand JUST TRANSITION and support it? Does the Green Party have a distinct action plan for COP 26?
I absolutely support a just transition and the framework which this coalition of campaigning organisations and trade union groups – some of which I have spoken at – are developing to ensure that workers are fairly treated and supported in the move from a neo-liberal economic system to a sustainable society, moving towards carbon neutral and zero carbon economy. COP26 is both an opportunity and a licence to inaction. We simply cannot rely on our leaders on the international circuit to pursue environmental and system change to the extent that is required: further and faster. We must be part of the conversation and grassroots mobilisation of civilian population (including civil unrest, as necessary, but also citizen’s assemblies) to turn this business as usual juggernaut around. Trade Unions are also crying out for leadership – including explicit, costed plans – for implementing sustainable solutions in the workplace that will at the same time protect workers from redundancy and achieve conversion of the labour market to a net-zero one.
5. ARE YOU AN ECO-SOCIALIST?
What does eco-socialism mean to you? What links do you see between climate change and the need for social, economic and democratic change?
Yes, I am. Eco-socialism recognises the interdependence of environmental, social justice, democratic and economic issues – everything is connected. Right now, those least responsible for climate change are most made to suffer its harmful consequences and least able to afford the remedial action to deal with it – that is a double injustice. Attempts to save the planet from climate change and all the other existential threats go hand in glove with radical social, economic and democratic change to achieve a fair and equal society nationally and internationally. We are the only party that challenges the growth economy and rampant consumerism. These current ways of living are unsustainable.
6. MAKING CAMPAIGNING FOR PR A GREEN PARTY PRIORITY
It is clear the electoral system is holding back Green Party advance at local and parliamentary elections. How can we campaign to convince members of the Labour Party, Trade Unions and Labour MPs to support this democratic change to bring English elections in line with other parts of the UK? Do you see this as a priority for the Green Party in the next period?
Yes, our democracy is hardly fit for purpose – whether the unelected second chamber or the deprived voice smaller parties get through a first-past-the-post-elected Commons. Using the 2019 general election as an example, Greens would have had 11 MPs under a proportional system, not one.
Eighty-three percent of Labour members now back proportional representation for general elections. The challenge is how Labour is going to get into a position to implement such change through a referendum, without power first. We must also advocate that any future constitutional referendum, unlike that brokered by Clegg and Cameron in 2011, is advocating for genuine PR not a flawed form of it. For this, and other reasons, a weak Labour opposition is not good for democracy.
We can continue to work alongside Make Votes Matter to progress electoral reform. Any proposal around progressive alliances for the next general election must enjoy full support of the party membership and we need far better mechanisms, locally, to protect local parties from having their preferences sidelined in any discussions. Reform must also include our second chamber – despite the superlative, indispensable work, which our life-long peers, Jenny and Natalie are doing to hold the government to account and effect legislative change at the same time, we are committed to properly elected representatives.